The "Watergate Incident" was related to which country and which president

The Watergate incident refers to the political scandal after the illegal activities of the American Communist Party and the party government in the 1972 presidential campaign were exposed.

The Watergate is a complex in Washington. On June 17, 1972, five people were arrested for breaking into the Democratic National Headquarters inside the building. Subsequent investigations revealed that the Watergate breach was just one of a series of actions taken by the Nixon administration to undermine the electoral process. The result was the jailing of several government officials and the resignation of a president for the first time in American history.

A few days after the arrest of five people, former White House aide Hunter Jr. and Liddy, general counsel of the Presidential Re-election Committee, were charged with theft and wiretapping. In January 1973, Chief Judge Celica of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia presided over the trial of seven defendants. Five of the seven defendants pleaded guilty and the other two were convicted by a jury. When sentencing on March 23, 1973, Judge Selica read a letter from McCord, one of the defendants. The letter accuses the White House of still covering up its ties to the Watergate break-in. McCord also said the White House exerted pressure on the seven defendants to plead guilty and remain silent. With the White House clearly implicated, President Nixon announced on April 17, 1973, that he had opened a new investigation. On April 30, Nixon publicly stated that he was responsible for the actions of White House staff involved in the case. He accepted the resignations of advisers Haldeman and Ehrlichman and Attorney General Clandinster, and announced Dean's dismissal. However, Mr. Nick insisted that he had no knowledge of political espionage or efforts to cover up mistakes. He chose Cox, a Harvard law professor, as the special prosecutor for the Watergate scandal. The investigation then turned to the Senate, where the Special Committee on Presidential Campaigns (led by Senator Irving Jr.) began holding televised public hearings. The Irving Commission convicted White House and campaign committee members based on testimony. Yet Dean was the only one to prove that President Nixon was directly involved in the cover-up. On July 16, 1973, former White House staff member Butterfield revealed that all conversations in the President's Office were recorded. The Cox and Owen committees immediately (July 23) subpoenaed the tapes. Nixon refused to hand it over, citing executive privilege and national security. When Judge Celica ordered Nixon to turn over the tapes, Nixon offered to provide transcripts of the tapes in question in exchange for an agreement not to request presidential documents. Cox rejected the suggestion. On October 20, the President ordered Attorney General Richardson to dismiss the Special Prosecutor. Richardson and Deputy Secretary Raquel Schaus resigned rather than carry out the order. Cox was ultimately relieved of his duties by the Deputy Attorney General. The fury of mass protests forced Nixon to hand over the tapes on October 24. But Selica wanted 9 sets, and he only handed over 7 sets. The White House claims the other two sets never existed. On May 20, Judge Celica ordered Nixon to submit additional tapes to Special Prosecutor Javaski. From July 27th to 30th, the House Judiciary Committee passed the impeachment case. On August 5, the President submitted transcripts of three audio tapes that clearly linked the President to the cover-up. So Nixon lost his last supporter in Congress. He announced his resignation on August 8 and left the White House at 11:35 am the next day. On September 8, 1974, succeeding President Ford granted Nixon an unconditional pardon without further punishment.

Sunday, June 18, 1972. Warm sunshine, fresh sea breeze, dense woods, and soft sandy beaches constitute a wonderful early summer seaside landscape. There are also several villas in the painting, which are the residences of the President of the United States in Biscayne Bay, Florida. President Nixon, who was on vacation here, was in as good a mood as the weather and scenery. Four months ago, from February 21st to 27th, President Nixon, accompanied by his chief foreign policy adviser Dr. Kissinger, paid a historic visit to the Republic of China, thus ending the conflict between the two countries. more than 20 years of hostility. This move won widespread praise from world public opinion and widespread welcome from the American people, and Nixon's reputation was greatly boosted. One month ago, from May 22 to 28, Nixon went to Moscow to hold talks with Soviet leaders and reached an agreement that limited the United States and the Soviet Union to each have two anti-ballistic missile launch sites, setting the world in an increasingly escalating arms race. I saw a glimmer of restraint.

President Nixon, who has a series of impressive political achievements, has completed his term this year, and he is confidently starting preparations for re-election. On this vacation, he also had a campaign memorandum in his briefcase. On his desk is the book "Victory and Tragedy" written by former British Prime Minister Churchill recalling the Second World War. He has read this book several times, and he wants to get further useful enlightenment from it. Nixon did not realize that as he climbed to the peak of victory, tragedy was quietly approaching him. At this moment, Nixon was sitting on the sofa, casually browsing the day's newspapers. He has the habit of reading early in the morning, and reading newspapers is as essential as eating breakfast. A small news item on the left side of page one of the Miami Herald caught his attention. The headline read: "Miami man who tried to bug Democratic headquarters detained in Washington." It was so interesting to go to the headquarters of his rival Democratic Party to conduct wiretaps. Nixon couldn't help but watch it. Reports say that five people were arrested yesterday night (June 17) at the Watergate Building in Washington, where the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee is located. Among these five people, four came from Miami, one claimed to be a CIA employee, and the other three were Cubans. They carried cameras and electronic reconnaissance equipment. They were discovered while wearing rubber gloves to install eavesdropping devices and were arrested on the spot. According to Nixon himself in his memoirs, his first feeling was that the news was ridiculous. The Cubans came to the headquarters of the Democratic Party of the United States to install bugs. They were really joking. So, he put the newspaper aside and plunged into the sea freely for a long time. Later, he even felt that this was news that was beneficial to his re-election because it could state that because his opponent, Democratic presidential candidate McGovern, known as the "leftist", had always adopted a policy of humility towards the Castro regime in Cuba, Cuban expats in the United States were afraid of this, so they committed theft at the Democratic Party headquarters. If such news spreads, it can hit the Democratic Party hard. However, things were not as simple and satisfactory as Nixon imagined. Among the five people arrested, McCord, who claimed to be a CIA employee, was actually a security adviser to Nixon's "Committee for Presidential Re-election". The other four were not Cubans and were probably employed by the "Committee for Presidential Re-election" operatives of the Committee to Re-elect the President. One stone stirs up a thousand waves. The arrest of McCord and others who had such prospects quickly turned the Watergate incident into an explosive news that was hotly speculated in the press and attracted national attention. Mitchell, who specifically resigned as Attorney General and served as chairman of Nixon's re-election committee, had to declare to the press that the actions of the five people arrested at the Watergate Tower were purely their personal behavior and had nothing to do with this committee. . Democrats went on the offensive. They filed a civil lawsuit against the Presidential Reelection Committee and the thieves, seeking $1 million in damages, which was later increased to $6.4 million. It didn't occur to them at the time that they could have gotten more - not just in monetary terms, of course. Two days later, on the morning of June 20, a piece of news in the Washington Post made Nixon uneasy. The report said that from the address book carried by the arrested personnel, it was discovered that a former CIA agent who had served in the White House, his name was Howard Hunter, and he served under Colson, Nixon's senior adviser. The White House felt as if it had been hit by an earthquake when it heard the news. Nixon, who had just returned to Washington from his vacation yesterday, immediately summoned his confidant and White House Chief of Staff Haldeman to discuss the matter after reading the newspaper. More than an hour passed quickly, and it seemed that no perfect solution had been found. We will continue to discuss the same issue in the afternoon. Nixon, who was unclear about the situation and was afraid of being implicated, first asked Haldeman to tell him truthfully whether any of our "own people", no matter what level of officials they belonged to, had involved us in this embarrassing situation. Then we will study together to see if all the current investigations and confessions are investigated thoroughly and carefully, whether they will allow the Democratic Party to seize the leverage and be detrimental to our election. According to Nixon's diary, Mitchell mysteriously told Haldeman on the phone not to get involved in the case. But at this time, Haldeman assured Nixon that White House officials would not be involved in the case, and Mitchell had nothing to do with it, so he could rest assured. After hearing this assurance, Nixon was worried about being replaced by confidence, and he decided to adopt an offensive-defensive strategy.

However, Haldeman also told him that the person behind the investigation of the Watergate operation had been traced to Gordon Liddy, the legal counsel of the finance group of the re-election committee, and the FBI was tracing McCord, who was arrested in connection with the Watergate incident. The money is likely to come from the re-election committee. "The FBI must be prevented from tracing the source of that money!" Nixon said without a doubt. Later, a senior CIA official authorized a phone call to the acting director of the FBI, asking him to "leave this matter alone" because the two agencies had an agreement not to interfere with each other's covert operations. Despite the White House's use of its power to cover up and obstruct, prosecutors' investigations into the Watergate scandal are still ongoing. On September 15, after obtaining the necessary evidence, five people, including McCord, who were arrested on the spot in this incident, were prosecuted in accordance with the law. Also prosecuted were CIA agent Howard Hunter and the Presidential Campaigner. Gordon Liddy, legal counsel to the re-election committee. Despite the shadow of Watergate, Nixon's re-election campaign was still successful. On October 26, the eve of the election, Kissinger's special envoy returned from Paris and announced to the American people the results of a series of secret talks between him and North Vietnamese representative Le Duc Tho, declaring: "Peace is coming." This greatly enhanced the performance of the Nixon administration. Added another strong touch. Nixon mercilessly derided his rival Democratic presidential candidate McGovern and others as "a radical group that mocks our country's past and will hinder its future." He attacked McGovern for using the Watergate incident to attack his administration as the "most corrupt administration": "It has become fashionable over the years to criticize the American system. Critics insist that it is so biased, so Corruption, so unjust that we should destroy it and replace it with something else. I totally disagree, and I believe in the American system." McGovern was clearly no match for Nixon. Known for his oratory and debate skills in high school, Nixon skillfully turned his opponents' accusations of corruption against him and his administration into attacks on the corruption of the American system. Although many facts of the Watergate incident have been revealed, American voters do not seem to care too much about it. They value the performance of the Nixon government more. Therefore, in the general election results announced on November 7, Nixon won 61% of the voters' votes and 520% ??of the votes. 3 electoral votes, while McGovern only received 34% of the electorate and 17 electoral votes. This is one of the few times in the history of U.S. presidential elections that the winner has been decided by such a huge margin of victory. Members of the Presidential Re-election Campaign Committee, headed by Mitchell, were all beaming with joy. They seemed to have forgotten that there were still seven "suffering brothers" who were being interrogated in prisons where they had lost their freedom due to the Watergate incident. Nixon was full of enthusiasm and took office, starting a new presidential term. In his re-election speech on January 20, 1973, he did not forget to criticize his opponents: "At every critical moment, we are always troubled by those who believe that America is good for nothing and is rarely right. But I firmly believe that , This is not history’s judgment on our privilege to experience these extraordinary times.” In his speech, he proudly used a series of words “What makes us proud is...” and declared that “the American experience in this century is the most significant in the history of the world.” Unparalleled". However, the shadow of the Watergate incident did not dissipate because of Nixon's cheerful expression. On the contrary, it was approaching him step by step. As Nixon took the stage to deliver his re-election speech, the trial of the Watergate defendants was also proceeding at full speed. The trial began on January 8, and the defendants began to confess their criminal facts under tremendous pressure, and some publicly expressed their pleas to various charges. What explanations did they make, and will it involve bigger figures in the White House? Also, will all the efforts made to cover up the truth be self-defeating and add new evidence of guilt? All this created an atmosphere of anxiety in the White House, and made Nixon and his close officials even more restless and suffering from insomnia. Nixon should have been immersed in the joy of victory in the re-election campaign, but now he was overshadowed by the Watergate incident, which made Nixon feel frustrated. He seemed to have realized by this time that blocking the investigation from the start had been a mistake, a bigger mistake than installing a wiretap at the Democratic Party headquarters in the Watergate Building itself. However, in order to maintain one's own identity and image, one must continue on this path unswervingly even if it is wrong.

The precarious White House seems to be suffering from the increasing aftershocks after the earthquake. Who can guarantee that this is not a precursor to another bigger "earthquake"?

Throwing away soldiers to save cars, the president shed tears and beheaded Ma Su< /p>

One wave has not subsided, but another wave has arisen. President Nixon, who once wanted to use offense as defense, gradually found himself in a position where he was unable to defend himself. In his diary on February 14, 1973, Nixon wrote worriedly: "I can foresee that if the judge calls Hunter before him and threatens him with a 35-year sentence, he will probably die in order to avoid punishment. Tell everything you know." Hunter, a CIA agent, was not only implicated in the five criminals who infiltrated the Democratic Party headquarters in the Watergate Building, but he also worked with Liddy, the legal counsel of the Presidential Reelection Committee. , with the connivance of the White House, broke into the office of psychotherapist Ellsberg in an attempt to steal materials that could harm Ellsberg. This Ellsberg once handed over secret Pentagon materials on the Vietnam War to newspapers for publication, which was detrimental to the Nixon administration. The government charged him with embezzling documents and is currently on trial. The White House clearly wants to kill him. Once this incident comes to light, wouldn't it be another "earthquake"? How to silence Hunter, or never reveal who was behind the scenes, is a tricky business. On the morning of March 21, in Nixon's Oval Office, the President conferred with his legal counsel, John Dean. "Hunter wrote a letter to a lawyer for the re-election committee, requesting $122,000 for personal and legal fees. He even set a deadline for payment." Dean informed Nixon of the situation. "How much money do they want?" Nixon knew that if there is the first amount, there will be the second and third money; if there is the first person, there will be the second and third people who want it. "During the entire litigation period, at least 1 million must be paid to each defendant." Dean reported a considerable amount. Although this amount is not difficult for the President of the United States to achieve, under the circumstances where the wind is tight, After all, you have to take a lot of risks. From Dean's tone, it seemed that he didn't want to take any more risks. President Nixon, who was riding a tiger and unable to get off, had no choice but to continue on this path in accordance with the established policy. He twice assured the public that he and the White House he led were innocent in the Watergate incident and could withstand investigation. If he backs down, he and his government will become discredited liars and deceivers. "Perhaps we are wrong to do this," Nixon said slowly but firmly, "but at this moment, don't you agree that the best way out is to deal with Hunter's problem appropriately? I think, at this moment, "It's worth it." He was clearly betting on keeping the defendant quiet. He is the sitting president and has supreme power, so there may be reasons for making such a bet. Because if these defendants took the money and still want to be free, even if the court sentences them to a heavy sentence, the president still has the power to pardon criminals. With the President at his back, a smart defendant would not reveal facts that would be detrimental to the President and the White House he led, and Nixon believed this. Dean agreed to the president's request, but in his heart he felt like there were 15 buckets hanging on him, he was restless and uneasy. Nixon admitted in his memoirs: "In hindsight, this day marked a tragic turning point in my tenure." That was exactly what happened. Dean soon "turned back", leaving Nixon and the White House in a state of embarrassment. Dean not only revealed the connection between several important figures in the White House and the case of five burglars sneaking into the Democratic Party headquarters in the Watergate Building, but also confessed a series of attempts to cover up the truth after the incident. He publicly stated that White House chief of staff Haldeman, the president's internal affairs adviser Ehrlichman, and himself were all involved in the case and had "obstructed justice." He also revealed that the president's personal attorney, Cam Buck, had been tasked with raising funds for Watergate defendants. McCord, who is on trial in prison, also accused Mitchell, the chairman of the Committee for Presidential Lines, and former Attorney General, of being responsible for the robbery of the Democratic Party headquarters in the Watergate Building. He also testified that during the trial, some people expressed that they could be pardoned. , in exchange for his silence. The federal district court judge responsible for hearing the Watergate case also seemed determined to have trouble with the White House.

In the sentencing at the end of March, McCord, the first defendant who implicated political figures in the incident, was given leniency and released on bail, while the other four defendants who sneaked into the Watergate Building to steal were given heavy sentences and were temporarily sentenced. The sentence was set at 40 years in prison; Hunter and Liddy, who were related to this case and were also guilty of breaking into Dr. Ellsberg's office and stealing, were provisionally sentenced to 35 years in prison, and Liddy was sentenced to 35 years in prison for refusing to speak. He was found guilty of contempt of court and was temporarily sentenced to 6 years and 8 months in prison and fined NT$40,000. The disparity in the severity of the sentence has created a huge deterrent to the defendants who have been taking chances and are unwilling to reveal all the facts. Nixon knew that such a sentence was excessive and even outrageous, because the sentences given to some murderers were not so; but he had to admit that this was a civilized strategy adopted by the district court judge, which was to prompt the defendant to speak Tell the truth, because their verdict is not the final verdict. If they confess honestly and report and expose meritoriously, McCord is their role model. As the truth about the Watergate Incident continued to be revealed, people were outraged and public opinion was in an uproar. Nixon's defense was so fragile that it was difficult to get through without finding a few scapegoats. On a Sunday afternoon in mid-April, Richard Clandinster, who had succeeded Mitchell as Attorney General, hurriedly asked to see President Nixon, saying that he had something important to tell him. Nixon, who had no intention of taking a vacation and was holding an afternoon religious service at the White House, immediately went into the office with him for a secret talk after the ceremony. Clandinster dispensed with the roundabout niceties and told the president bluntly: "Dean sued us. Haldeman and Ehrlichman were believed to be the masterminds who authorized the Watergate break-in." No, this is impossible." Nixon almost screamed in surprise, and then asked his attorney general dubiously: "Is it really true?" Clandinster did not answer directly and said, "Let the criminal department talk about it. , what do you think?" Nixon nodded. After a while, Henry Peterson, Director of the Criminal Department of the Ministry of Justice, wearing a dirty T-shirt, a pair of wet jeans, and a pair of tennis shoes, walked in under the leadership of Clandinster. Nixon's office. He was summoned while he was cleaning the yacht, and he didn't even have time to change his clothes. It was disrespectful for subordinate officials to come to the White House dressed like this, and they would have been kicked out in normal times, but this time Nixon just frowned and asked him to tell him everything he knew about Dean's accusations. The minister hesitated for a while, glanced at the minister next to him, and after getting the "tell the truth" hint in his eyes, he told how Dean had accused Haldeman, the president's chief of staff, and Ehrlichman, the internal affairs adviser. He made a report on the Watergate criminal case, and at the end he boldly suggested: "Both of them should be allowed to resign, otherwise there will be trouble and it will embarrass you and your presidency." Nixon listened silently, thinking, He stared blankly at the ceiling and didn't say a word for a while. Minister Clandinster and Director Paterson looked at each other, at a loss. "Let's go," Nixon said weakly. Only a brooding Nixon was left in the large office. "What a rip-off Dean!" Nixon wanted to put pressure on him, letting him understand that as president he could prevent him from obtaining executive immunity and would still be punished in the end, but he was worried that if he pushed him too hard, he might be the target of the accusation. Turn directly to him. "I don't have anything in Dean's hands." Nixon encouraged himself secretly. Although it is true that he did not authorize anyone in advance to do such a stupid thing as breaking into the Democratic Party headquarters in the Watergate Building and installing a bugging device, can he escape responsibility for the subsequent cover-up? When he thought of this, he felt a little weak. Although there was no third party who could prove it when he and his young legal advisor Dean were discussing cover-up strategies, who could guarantee that nothing could be used as evidence? After thinking hard and racking his brains, he still couldn't find anything he was satisfied with. Countermeasures. I want to find a few close advisers to brainstorm ideas, but many of them have already been implicated in the Watergate case. It would be even worse if another adviser like Dean appeared who "returned and struck out". It seemed that the only way to change from offense to defense was to retreat to advance. "Throwing pawns to protect the chariot" was a wise choice. Nixon finally made up his mind. A few days later, Haldeman and Ehrlichman were summoned to the Oval Office. Nixon told them the details of the last meeting between the Attorney General and the Director of the Department of Criminal Justice, and then politely asked them to come up with an idea.

These two men were Nixon's right-hand men and loyal friends for many years. They had made great contributions to his bid for the presidency. Now, if he asked them to resign, he would actually expel them from the White House. Nixon was really at a loss for words. Haldeman and Ehrlichman were visibly stunned by the facts presented against them by the president. Although these facts have been experienced by them, they would never have imagined that they would be used as evidence to accuse them. The chief of staff and internal affairs adviser, who are very sensitive and able to understand the president's intentions, have no choice but to swallow the bitter drink of resignation in order to save the face of the president and the White House. "We will face this realistically." Haldeman and Ehrlichman said this with their eyes a little red and their noses starting to feel sore. The three of them were relatively speechless. No one said the embarrassing words "resign", but everyone knew it very well. It's better to understand each other tacitly, and of course their moods are different. Nixon later described his state of mind at the time in his memoirs: "I was selfish enough to ask them to leave for the sake of my own survival; but I was not cruel enough to feel comfortable hurting the people I cared about deeply. I was worried about them. I was shocked when I was forced to resign, but I am even more worried about the impact I would suffer if they stayed. "My current problem is that I have to expel several friends who have done some things that I am also responsible for." On the evening of April 30, Nixon addressed the nation. He reiterated that he had no involvement in the Watergate scandal, but went on to say that he would take responsibility for subordinates who "may have made a mistake in something they believed to be the right thing to do." Nixon took this opportunity to announce: "Today, I made the most difficult decision of my term. I accepted the resignations of two of my closest staff in the White House. They are Haldeman and Ehrlichman. "Two of the best public servants I have ever had the pleasure to meet." He used such words of praise to send to his friends who were forced to resign, not so much to comfort them, but to make himself feel better. . At the same time, those who announced their resignations were the "rebellious" consultant Dean and Attorney General Clandinster; if the former was not removed from the White House, how could he resolve Nixon's hatred, and the latter resigned because of his Some close associates may have been "implicated in certain violations of U.S. law." Nixon performed a modern drama of "killing Ma Su with tears". However, just as Ma Su was beheaded and could not regain the lost street pavilion, can Nixon, who lost his "pawn", keep his "car"?

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