Strictly speaking, there are not many records about Wang Chong. Mainly written by himself, Lun Heng (Volume 30) and Ji Zi (for the full text, see Wang Chong's general comment in the New Eight Theories) are slightly autobiographical. Although there are some new materials in the Book of the Later Han Dynasty (Volume 49) and Biography of Wang Chong (same as above), and there are some sporadic records in the Book of the Later Han Dynasty (series) by Xie Cheng and Yuan, there has been controversy because it is not quite consistent with the description in Pian. This kind of controversy often involves the personal evaluation of Wang Chong. For example, Biography of Wang Chong said that "the village says filial piety". And "self-discipline" the first cloud:
Sai-jo was brave and arrogant, but salty and didn't slap people. Years old, fierce, crossing the road, killing people, hating more. The world will be disturbed, and I am afraid that I will be captured by hatred and hatred. My grandfather has a family, he can take care of it, leave money in Tangxian, and use Jia as a vendor. If you have two children, the longer the less, the more you carry, the more you make up for your father. Ancestors are arrogant and very ignorant and arrogant. Therefore, Meng, chanting in Qiantang, is brave and intimidating. In the last years of Fu, he made an enemy with Bo and others and moved his family to Shangyu.
Then I spent a lot of time boasting that I was virtuous and eager to learn since I was a child, and I grew up to be holy and flawless. Therefore, Liu Tang pointed out very early:
Wang Chong's "self-discipline" in Lun Heng also stated that his father and ancestors were corrupt and despised by Zhou Lu, but he replied that he was stubborn and shunned by God, and he hated Yu Sheng. When it comes to family background, if a husband wants to be famous, he has to show off his relatives. If there is no one, there is nothing to say. If you are proud of yourself, humiliate him first, which is tantamount to proving that your father is busy herding sheep and your students are famous for their mothers. You must be responsible for teaching them by name that you are three thousand sinners (preface to volume nine of Stone).
In the Qing dynasty, there were more accusers. Huidong (Supplement to the Book of the Later Han Dynasty), Wang Mingsheng (Discussion on the Seventeen Histories) and Qian Daxin (Ten New Records of Yang Zhai) are famous representatives. Among them, Wang Mingsheng said the most straightforward, saying:
Biography of Wang Chong: "Being alone in the village is called filial piety." Case: It's hard to call "filial piety" when Ji Zi is filled with the evils of generations.
It was a trend at that time to deny Wang Chong from personal virtue.
However, in 1930s, Mr. Huang Hui sorted out Lun Heng and began to reverse Wang Chong's conviction. First, he quoted "Wang Bao Ji Tong Yue" in Magnolia: "Officials in the Han Dynasty can't help complaining." According to Huan Tan's remarks, "Today, people are killing each other. Although they have been brought to justice, they have personal grudges, and their children and grandchildren repay each other. Later, they were deeply resentful. As for destroying households, it is commonly known as Hao Jian, so although timid, I still did it. " Finally, he defended it: "This is the fashion of the world, but it is not for slander." [6] However, Wang Chongli's contempt for his father and ancestors and his complaints about the customs of the Han Dynasty are actually two different things. Huang Hui's argument is irrelevant, so it is naturally difficult for scholars to attach importance to it. Therefore, in 1970s, Mr. Xu of Taiwan Province made a comprehensive criticism of Wang Chong. Not only did he still have doubts about the above-mentioned "filial piety in the village", but he also accepted a series of records in Wang Chong's Biography, Xie Cheng, Yuan and other later Han books about Wang Chong's being a scholar, being a teacher in Ban Biao, being a professor in Pingju and being recommended by Xie Yiwu. Although Mr. Xu has made great achievements in the study of Wang Chong, and has been praised by scholars as "a powerful criticism of the shallow intellectual style of study since the May 4th Movement" [8], I personally still think that it is not appropriate to completely overturn the records about Wang Chong outside Ji Zi. That is, after Xie Yiwu's recommendation, Su Zong specifically asked for a bus, which can also be confirmed by the quotation of "Collection of Records" as "Wang Chong" in the biography of Wu Shu and Feather Fan in Volume 57 of the History of the Three Kingdoms. Obviously, not all the records about Wang Chong outside Ji Zi are unreliable. Because, although "Ji Zi Pian" is slightly autobiographical, it is not a real autobiography after all, and its omissions are understandable. However, the study of Wang Chong can not be denied only because of personal virtue, nor because some personal records contain praise. Therefore, I personally think that there should be a lot of work to be done to study Wang Chong, based on Ji Zi and other related records and the positive and negative views of the sages.
There are thirty volumes and eighty-five articles about Wang Chongqi, that is, Lun Heng, which is equally difficult to judge compared with others. Quote the legend of the Book of the Later Han Dynasty:
(Wang) If the argument is sufficient, it is reasonable from the beginning. It is thought that the vulgar Confucianism keeps the distortion of the text, but it is a meditation behind closed doors and a ceremony of hanging. There are knives and pens on the walls of every household. Eighty-five articles in Lun Heng, with more than 200,000 words, show the similarities and differences of things, which is suspected of being popular.
Although The Book of the Later Han Dynasty was written in the Southern and Northern Dynasties, its materials are primitive. This biography reflects the evaluation of Lun Heng by scholars in Han and Jin Dynasties. Especially the phrase "be reasonable and doubt the customs". During the Eastern Han Dynasty, Confucian classics flourished, and scholars attached importance to the interpretation of famous things. However, the examples cited in Lun Heng are either different from general theories (such as the death of King Wu and Zhao Gong). ), or a constellation that has not been passed down from generation to generation in ancient books (such as the collocation of the twelve branches of the zodiac, etc.). ), it's like "heresy". In the very orthodox Confucian classics of the Eastern Han Dynasty, it is like an empty valley, which naturally attracts the attention of scholars. The simultaneous interpretation quoted Xie Cheng's Book of the Later Han Dynasty, which contained Xie Yiwu's recommendation to Wang Chongyou:
(Wang) is a genius, which is not learned. Although Monk and Sun Qing had their own experiences in a previous life, they were closely related to Yang Xiong, Liu Xiang and Sima Qian in the Han Dynasty.
It should be emphasized that this is called recommending Wang Chong, but it is actually recommending Wang Chong's book. Xie Yiwu can be said to be the earliest bosom friend in Lun Heng. Since then, Cai Yong and Wang Lang, great scholars in the late Han Dynasty and early Wei Dynasty, praised the heresy of Lun Heng. Such as note also cited yuan's "were Han Shu" cloud:
(Wang) wrote Lun Heng, which is not circulated in Middle-earth. When Cai Yong entered Wu, he got it and helped it secretly. Later, Wang Lang became the prefect of Huiji, got his book and made a promise, so he was called a talent. Or: if you don't meet strangers, you will get different books. Ask it, the fruit is based on the benefits of balance, so see it and pass it on.
Among them, Cai Yong seems to particularly appreciate it. Such as note also cited Ge Hong's "Bao Pu Zi" cloud:
At that time, people suspected that Cai Yong's books were unusual, or looked for a hiding place in his account, and got Lun Heng, holding several volumes. Yong Dingning said, "It's just you and me. Don't gossip."
In addition, Biography of Bao Puzi also called Lun Heng a "great talent" and boasted in a lot of space, and Lun Heng has been widely quoted by various classics for a long time [9], which is probably due to this. However, while competing for quotations, everyone seems to ignore the following questions: Why can Lun Heng record many "heresies"? Are these "fallacies" credible?
Why can Lun Heng record many "heresies"? Are these "fallacies" credible? This is related to the source and credibility of the raw materials of Lun Heng, which can be said to be a very important problem to be solved. For the former, I always think that we can find the reason from the geographical aspect. For example, Wang Chong is from Shangyu, Huiji. His fellow countryman, Zhao Ye, from Yinshan Huiji, also likes "heresy". "Were" volume 79 "The Scholars", there is a legend:
(Zhao) Ye wrote Chunqiu and Yuan. When Cai Yong arrived at Huiji, he read poems and sighed, thinking that he was better than Lun Heng. He returned to the capital, passed it on, and the scholars recited it.
Zhao Ye's poems are not clear because they have long been lost. Because Cai Yong compared it with Lun Heng, he thought it went further than Lun Heng and seemed to be similar in nature. Zhao Ye's Wu Yue Chun Qiu is basically well preserved. We know that Chunqiu likes to collect folk stories, and its content is quite close to that of novels, but the Yue lineage recorded in it is also inconsistent with the historical records. Although Xu Yuan Tianyou made phonetic notation and verified the similarities and differences of deeds, its credibility is still in doubt, comparable to Lun Heng. The reflection (volume 57), the biography of Wu Shu Yu, quoted and recorded by Wang Chong in Historical Records and Biography, and said, "Cloud:
There is a saying that scholars such as Wang Chong of Shangyu, Yin Shan, Hong Caiyuan and Yi of Daoyuan wrote books and articles in Luoyi, which solved the doubts of classics, the puzzles of contemporary times, or were extremely human.
It also means that these two people are of the same kind. Amin writer Qian Fu wrote in the republished Wu Yue Chun Qiu:
Wu Yue Chun Qiu was written in Zhao Ye in the Eastern Han Dynasty. Generally speaking, what rumors accompany this version of Mandarin and Historical Records? Xu Yuan Tianyou ... said that he was not a China writer, and his words sometimes sounded like novelists. Cai Yong sighed when he read The Scholars, saying that he wrote it, but there were so-called fine poems, and he thought he was better than Lun Heng. Today's Lun Heng also exists, and there are many vulgar and grotesque people, so the late Eastern Han Dynasty also has its own literary spirit [10].
Qian Fu noticed that the source of Wu Yue Chun Qiu was "hearsay" and Lun Heng was "a lot of vulgar and grotesque people". The two can be compared and insightful. However, it is incorrect to think that the reason is that "the late Eastern Han Dynasty also had its own style of writing". The famous historian Mr. Chen Yinque once pointed out:
From Yi Yan's theory of Kyushu in the Warring States Period to the alchemist's eccentric theory in Qin Shihuang and Han Wudi, according to the records in Taishi Gongshu, they all came from the domain of Yan Qi. There should be maritime traffic in coastal areas, which is influenced by external factors. I ignored it because it was difficult to prove. However, the origin of the immortal theory and the teachings of Taoism must be related to this coastal area, so there is no doubt. Therefore, the Yellow Scarf Rebellion in the late Han Dynasty could not have nothing to do with this area [1 1].
Mr. Chen Yinque thinks that the land of Yanqi belongs to the coast, and there should have been maritime traffic long ago, which is an excellent opinion influenced by external factors. Its economic benefits are also coastal areas. The difference is that Yanqi's maritime traffic and external influence can not be proved, while Huiji's maritime traffic and external influence can be proved. For example, The Book of the Later Han Dynasty, Volume 37, Biography of Huan Rong Attached to Luan Yezi, said: "There was great chaos in the world at the beginning of the Ping Dynasty, avoiding land and making friends with sea guests." The same volume "Yuan Attached Propaganda" also said: "After Sun Ce broke the meeting, Zhong and others went to Hainan to write books." It shows that Huiji and Jiaotoe (now Vietnam) have a long road of maritime traffic. In addition, the reflection volume 47 "Wu Shu Wu Zhuan Zhu" Huanglong two years in the first month of the article cloud:
General Wei Wen and Zhuge Zhi were sent to the sea to seek Yizhou and Yizhou. The elder said that Qin Shihuang sent alchemist Xu Fu to send thousands of boys and girls to the sea, begging Penglai Mountain and fairy medicine to prevent the mainland from returning. There are tens of thousands of families in the world, and people on them sometimes go to Huiji to get cloth. Huidong County is crowded, and some people are moved to Zhangzhou by the wind. It's far away, and you can't get a single soldier, but thousands of people in Yizhou have to pay it back.
This record is well known. Among them, "Yizhou" is today's Taiwan Province Province, and "Yizhou" may be considered as today's book. It can be seen that Huiji and these two places have long had the road of maritime traffic. The Book of the Later Han Dynasty, Volume 41, Biography of Five Luns, said: "Observe the customs, offer sacrifices to others, and take divination as good." The same book "Biography of Zang Hongchuan" says: "In the first year of Xiping, the demon thief Zhao Xu was arrested." There are many such records, so I don't want to repeat them. It can be seen that the folk custom of Huiji is quite special, and it also belongs to one of the birthplaces of Shitian Road. It is said that it is influenced by external factors, so it should not be illusory. In addition, people in coastal areas are generally open-minded and dare to imagine because of their nature, and heresy is also the easiest to spread here. Therefore, Wang Chong's Lun Heng is so, as are Zhao Ye's poems and wuyue's Spring and Autumn Annals. In this regard, the heresy in Lun Heng needs to be re-evaluated.
Because the reliability of the original materials of Lun Heng was questioned in modern times, scholars turned to the study of his thoughts. However, scholars have different views on the ideological content of Lun Heng. The Collected Works of Han Changli (Volume I and Volume II) contains praises for the three sages of the later Han Dynasty. The three sages refer to Wang Chong (Lun Heng), Wang Fu (On the Latent Husband) and Zhong Changtong (Chang Yan), all of whom have been handed down from generation to generation. This is the view of the Tang people. The aforementioned Mr. Jin Guzhi listed Wang Fu and Zhong Changtong as thinkers in the late Eastern Han Dynasty [12], while Wang Chong was listed as a "suspicious archaeologist" [13]. This is the view of Japanese scholars today. It can be seen that the views of ancient and modern times are quite different. As for the fact that the mainland is generally too high, Mr. Xu of Taiwan Province Province overcompensates and forms two extremes. This book ("Wang Chong's New Eight Theories") has been introduced in detail, so I won't say much here. How to locate Wang Chong and restore the original features of Lun Heng has become a subject that a new generation of researchers in the history of thought need to face directly.
three
Deng Hongxiong's book is divided into "Eight Theories". After a cursory look, I feel really "new". As the earliest reader of this book, I would like to take this opportunity to talk about my own experience.
The first theory is Wang Chong's General Introduction, which is a macro article integrating "breaking" and "standing", reviewing and looking forward, and can be regarded as the general outline of this book. Firstly, this paper makes a systematic study of Wang Chong's life by combining The Biography of Wang Chong in the Later Han Dynasty and Hengpian. Then, the purpose of each article in Lun Heng is related to Wang Chong's personal experience, which shows that Wang Chong's writing is closely related to his personal existence. This is a new perspective that the former sages have never had, and it is also a new perspective that has not been mentioned. Then, the initiator of the mainland's promotion of Wang Chong, the former Soviet ambassador to China Petrov, can be traced back to Hu Shi, the leader of the New Culture Movement. This paper analyzes the theoretical blank of Hu Shi's research on Wang Chong, and points out that Hu Shi paid attention to Wang Chong's "illness and falsehood", but did not pay attention to the other side of Wang Chong's influence by "falsehood". This paper also analyzes Wang Chong's detailed and systematic theory of "fate" and his complicated theory of "qi", pointing out that there are various contradictions in Wang Chong's thought, and it is debatable for the mainland to label Wang Chong's philosophical thought as "materialism". The most incisive point of this theory is to compare the contradiction in Wang Chong's thought to a modern debate. It says:
As we know, in modern debates, a topic is usually determined first, and then people draw lots. If you draw "yes", you will defend the topic positively, which is considered "positive". If you draw "no", you will refute this topic, which is regarded as "the opposing side", and then everyone will start a debate. In other words, both sides of the debate are not talking about their true thoughts, but are just "arguing" with others or "bickering" to win or lose, and onlookers don't have to take it seriously.
That is to say, in Lun Heng, this article praises materialism and that article praises idealism, which are actually topics designed for debate and cannot represent Wang Chong's true thoughts. I suspect that Wang Chong's real thoughts may have some connection with the famous [14] in the pre-Qin period. Of course, this is beside the point, and I don't need to say more here.
The second theory is The Role of Destiny Theory in Wang Chong's Philosophical System, which is the earliest paper completed in this book and the first paper in practical sense. The next third theory is "Wang Chong's New Theory of Fate", which is mainly a supplement to the previous theories. Among these eight theories, there are two theories about fate, which shows the important position of fate in Wang Chong's thought. The first three volumes and fifteen articles in Lun Heng belong to the theory of "destiny", and the so-called "destiny" theory is indeed the theoretical starting point of Wang Chong's philosophical system. This second theory holds that Wang Chong's "fate" has a wide range of meanings, such as the so-called "master of good or ill luck" (that is, "fate"), "the number of suitable families" (that is, the fate of accidental factors), and the so-called "national fate" and other Wang Chong's critical theories focusing on "illness and falsehood" I think it is very important to clarify this point. Because, since Wang Chong believes in the "destiny" so much, and it is a pure "harmony between man and nature", should we label Wang Chong as "materialism" again?
The fourth theory is "Wang Chong's new theory of" Qi ". Although it is also an earlier paper in this book, it has been revised and even rewritten many times, which is closely related to the first two theories. Because the word "Qi" mentioned by Wang Chong is almost the same in mainland academic circles, and it is considered as a basic or even eternal material element, which is an important basis for labeling Wang Chong's philosophy as "materialism". On the other hand, the theory holds that the "Qi" mentioned by Wang Chong is not essentially different from the immaterial "Yin and Yang" and "Five Elements" mentioned by Han Confucianism, and it is a concept. If Wang Chong's theory of "destiny" is "body", then Wang Chong's theory of "qi" is "use", and they are the relationship between "body" and "use" and the relationship between metaphysics and metaphysics. In my opinion, this explanation is the latest and the most appropriate at present. Because, since Wang Chong is a member of Han Confucianism, it is impossible for his thoughts to break away from the barriers and prejudices of Han Confucianism. Previous researchers had to admit that Wang Chong was a member of Han Confucianism, and tried to distinguish Wang Chong's thoughts from Han Confucianism. The result must be that it is difficult to defend yourself.
The fifth theory is "A New Theory of Wang Chong's Han Fu", which is an important paper that thoroughly exposes the biggest "blind spot" in Wang Chong's ideological research. As we know, in the past, the study of Wang Chong's philosophical thought was labeled as "materialism" first, and then the evidence in favor of this label was found in Lun Heng. This research method will inevitably produce many blind spots. The theory of "praising Korea", which occupies one third of Lun Heng, has become the biggest blind spot. This theory holds that Wang Chong's theory of "praising Han" is incompatible with another label of "anti-institutionalist" affixed by predecessors. Wang Chong's purpose of "praising Han" is threefold: first, to do his duty as a courtier for those in power; Second, ask for honor, reward and progress for yourself; Third, improve the value of Lun Heng. There are two techniques in Wang Chong's "Han Fu": one praises another "illness", one breaks and the other stands. "Zan" refers to the theory of "praising Korea" based on the critical theory of "breaking". Wang Chong's theory of "praising Han" and Dong Zhongshu's "Countermeasures between Heaven and Man" can be regarded as two treasures. Both of them are based on the theory of "the interaction between man and nature". Dong Zhongshu advocates the theory of "different disasters and different police" and Wang Chong advocates the theory of "Fu Rui's reward", which complement each other and lead to the same goal. In my opinion, Wang Chong's praise of the authorities is almost disgusting and belongs to a kind of "alienation" of Han Confucianism. Originally, Confucianism paid attention to "using the world" and wrote books, which is understandable. But Confucianism does not advocate "Goethe", because "Goethe" has reached the extreme, the country has been greatly peaceful and prosperous, and the existence value of Confucianism itself has disappeared. Wang Chong's "Han Fu" is only seen by Han Confucianism, which deserves further consideration by researchers.
The sixth theory is New Criticism on Wang Chong's Illness, which is an important paper that thoroughly exposes the so-called "illness" with the most "bright spot" in Wang Chong's thought. We know that Wang Chong himself is very serious about his "illness and falsehood". Ceng Yun said: "Lun Heng" is dozens of articles, and it is also a sentence, saying: illness and falsehood. "(Lun Heng Lost) But why did Wang Chong" fake it because of illness "? Where is the "fake" of his illness? But it seems that no one has made a comprehensive induction and summary of it. According to this theory, Wang Chong's "disease mania" is related to his personal experience and thoughts. The falsity of his "illness" mainly includes the theory of "not accepting fate" in ancient and modern times, the theory of "today is not as good as before" in Han and Confucianism, and the theory of "superstition and taboo" in secular times. Only the part of "disease" and secular "superstition and taboo" is worthy of recognition, while the theories of "disease" and "not accepting fate" in ancient and modern times and "today is worse than before" of Han Confucianism are actually aimed at consolidating his theory of "fate" and "praising Han". Not only that, in the process of so-called "illness and falsehood", he did not understand many political expressions of Confucianism. Because the horror of real politics is expressed by metaphor. For example, Confucianism praises the ancient times in order to satirize and criticize the modern times; To say that ancient kings were sacred and courtiers were virtuous means that modern emperors were bad and courtiers had problems. Wait a minute. Wang Chong did not understand the good intentions of Confucianism, but criticized it, because he was not a pure Confucian at all, but an official who had studied some cultures. I think this conclusion is consistent with what I said earlier about Wang Chong's behavior, which belongs to a kind of "alienation" of Han Confucianism.
The seventh theory is an analysis of Wang Chong's theory of ghosts and gods, which is a paper devoted to analyzing and judging another "bright spot" of Wang Chong's thought, namely the so-called theory of ghosts and gods. We know that Wang Chong's statement in On Balance and Death that "man is not a ghost, ignorant and can't harm others" is an important basis for mainland academic circles to label Wang Chong's philosophy as "atheism". But whether Wang Chong is really an "atheist" still needs to analyze and judge his so-called "theory of ghosts and gods". According to this theory, the discussion on ghosts and gods in Lun Heng is mainly limited to four articles: On Death, Death and False, Yao Ji and Ding Gui. Wang Chong's criticism of ghosts and gods is limited to the first book On Death. In the following three papers, suspended animation, Yao Ji and Ding Gui, Wang Chong did not hold a negative attitude towards ghosts and even monsters. Specifically, in China's ancient thoughts, the concept of "ghost" generally has two meanings: one is that people die as "ghost", and the other is that the spirit of all things is "ghost". Wang Chong only opposes people's death as "ghosts", not all things as "ghosts". Wang Chong's opposition to human death as a "ghost" is closely related to his opposition to "thick burial". Wang Chong does not object that the spirit of all things is a "ghost", which is directly related to his admiration for the theory of "Qi". Therefore, it is problematic to call Wang Chong an atheist. I think this analysis and judgment is reasonable. True Confucianism does not talk about ghosts and gods. We all know: "Zi doesn't talk about wonder, strength, chaos and god." (The Analects of Confucius) also knows: "Lu Ji asked ghosts and gods, and Confucius said,' If you can't serve people, how can you serve ghosts?' Say' Dare to ask and dare to die'. Say:' If you don't know life, how can you know death? "(Advanced Analects of Confucius) But few people label Confucius as an atheist. Because Confucius did not talk about ghosts and gods, nor did he say that he did not believe in ghosts and gods. Although Wang Chong is not a pure Confucian, he is still a member of Han Confucianism, so he is destined to be an atheist.
Eight Treatises is a new discussion on Wang Chong's theory of heaven and earth, and it is a special paper to analyze and discuss Wang Chong's theory of heaven and earth, that is, the world outlook. As we know, Wang Chong's Nature's Interest in Heaven and Earth is another important basis for mainland academic circles to label Wang Chong's philosophy as "materialism". However, this theory holds that the "heaven" mentioned by Han Confucianism generally has many meanings. As Dong Zhongshu said, "Tian" has at least theological, spiritual and moral meanings and natural meanings [15]. The same is true of Wang Chong's Heaven. Wang Chong's theory of heaven and earth has at least two meanings: one is the theory of heaven and earth with natural or astronomical significance, and the other is the theory of heaven and earth with philosophical or theological significance. Regarding the meaning of the former, it can really be called "materialism". As for the latter meaning, it can only be called "idealism". I think this kind of analysis and discussion is also reasonable. True Confucianism believes in the so-called "destiny". Confucius said, "You know your destiny at fifty." ("The Analects of Confucius Governing Politics") said: "A gentleman has three fears: fear of fate, fear of adults, and fear of the words of saints. The villain does not know the destiny and is not afraid. " As we all know, the "heaven" of the "destiny" here is not a "heaven" in the natural or astronomical sense, but a "heaven" in the philosophical or theological sense. As mentioned earlier, although Wang Chong is not a pure Confucian, he is still a member of Han Confucianism, and he is destined to be a real "materialist".
To sum up, we can feel that the various expositions of Wang Chong and Lun Heng in this book are neither preconceived, drifting with the flow, nor sticking to the rules, and they are all completed on the basis of independent thinking. From the perspective of academic research, this is very important and valuable. However, it is foreseeable that the academic circles will react to the overall and thorough impact and denial of the inherent mode of Chinese mainland's research on Wang Chong's thought. However, I am convinced that truth is truth! I want to take this opportunity to encourage the Deng Hong brothers!